Tobacco Industry Interference

Historically, the tobacco industry has opposed any efforts aimed at curbing tobacco consumption. Tobacco control advocates thus need to continuously monitor, expose, and counter any industry strategy or interference tactic aimed at hindering the adoption and implementation of tobacco control policies.

This page outlines the tactics the tobacco industry in Nigeria uses to interfere with control efforts. It also covers the tobacco market structure and presents the tobacco industry interference index and ranking.

Nigeria is one of Africa’s main tobacco production hubs, catering to both domestic and export markets. The other manufacturing hubs in Africa are Kenya and South Africa.

The country’s large population and access to other regional markets make it attractive to the tobacco industry.

With 78.6% market share, British American Tobacco (BAT) is the largest tobacco company in Nigeria, with operations dating back to 1912.

Other players in Nigeria include Japan Tobacco Incorporated, with a market share of 14.6%, Korea Tobacco & Ginseng Corporation, with a market share of 3.7%, and Philip Morris International Limited, with a share of 1.8%. International Tobacco Company Limited commands a market share of 0.6% and others collectively hold a market share of 0.7%.

The following graphs show the distribution of tobacco company market shares in Nigeria.


Tobacco Industry Market Shares


78.614.6

Data source: Nigeria Tobacco Industry Interference Report.


One of the most commonly cited barriers to tobacco control policy implementation around the world is tobacco industry interference. The tobacco industry has been known to block tobacco control strategies and policies for decades.

Globally, the tobacco industry opposes the adoption and implementation of tobacco control measures by:

  • Attempting to hijack political and legislative processes
  • Exaggerating the economic importance of the industry
  • Manipulating public opinion to gain the appearance of respectability
  • Fabricating support through front groups
  • Discrediting proven scientific evidence
  • Intimidating governments with litigation or the threat of litigation
  • Deploying corporate social responsibility engagements to compromise public officials
  • Using celebrities as digital influencers to present aspirational and pro-tobacco imagery on digital media platforms

Nigeria ratified the World Health Organization Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (WHO FCTC)

on October 20, 2005, and the treaty took effect on January 18, 2006. Subsequently, Nigeria’s National Tobacco Control Act was signed into law on 26 May 2015 and gazetted on 10 June 2015. The Actbans smoking in public places, prohibits tobacco advertising, promotion and sponsorship (TAPS), places restrictions on product packaging (in terms of graphic health warnings, font, color, and placement), outlines licensing requirements for manufacturers, wholesalers, and retailers, and puts safeguards against tobacco industry interference. However, even with the domestication of the WHO FCTC through the National Tobacco Control Act 2015, reports show that tobacco industry interference remains a big obstacle to effective tobacco control in Nigeria and Africa.

Globally, tobacco industry players employ various deceptive and manipulative tactics to interfere with public health policies, promote their addictive products, and target young people, all while attempting to portray themselves as socially responsible. Some of these tactics include:

Parties to the WHO FCTC should protect their public health policies from the commercial and vested interests of the tobacco industry, in accordance with national laws. However, the tobacco industry and its allies have become part and parcel of the institutional structures in Nigeria.11 The tobacco industry’s tactics of interfering with or weakening public health policies include the use of front and third-party groups, such as trade associations and farmer groups, as well as economic reports that aim to hinder regulations.

There are numerous instances where the tobacco industry in Nigeria uses front groups to aid its efforts to undermine tobacco control.

For instance, the tobacco industry hides behind front groups that promote educational initiatives. The Global Action to End Smoking (previously known as the Foundation for a Smoke-Free World), funded by Philip Morris International, was specifically cited as being involved in financing education initiatives. The organization funds the Conrad Nigeria Challenge, which encourages innovative young minds in the country to collaborate and develop innovations and inventions with market potential. The Global Action To End Smoking also funds the Knowledge Action Change Scholarship, which runs an initiative called Tobacco Harm Reduction Nigeria. This initiative promotes industry arguments to replace tobacco products with less dangerous alternatives. Through these initiatives, the industry subtly distances itself from the harms of its products while positioning itself as a stakeholder in public health.

The tobacco industry is one of the richest industries. Companies have deep pockets, but when you decentralize tobacco control they cannot fight all the states and governments at the same time. So, they become weaker when tobacco control moves closer to people. People at the local level also know what they want. The best way to address and prevent tobacco use is not to concentrate all your fight with the central government. The tobacco industry cannot fight against thousands of local governments.

(Academic) – TCDI Nigeria Assessment Mission
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Historical Examples of Tobacco Industry Interference

The tobacco industry has historically employed a multitude of tactics to shape and influence tobacco control policy.

It has used its lobbying and marketing machinery to manipulate the media in order to discredit proven scientific research and influence governments to promote and distribute its products. Below are some examples of industry interference.

Exploitation of Public Opinion

The tobacco industry uses different tactics to manipulate or mold public opinion to its advantage. For example, BAT donated agricultural supplies to internally displaced persons in Nigeria in June 2018,

but only to create the impression that it is a socially responsible entity. BAT’s actual aim was to build a favorable image of itself among the government and public at large.

policy interference

Policy Interference

In 2014, the industry actively participated in the discussion and development of the Standards for Tobacco Control in Nigeria. The industry’s participation was in conflict with the WHO FCTC Article 5.3 guidelines, which state that “in setting and implementing their public health policies with respect to tobacco control, Parties shall act to protect these policies from commercial and other vested interests of the tobacco industry in accordance with national law.” The industry’s involvement in the process was against the FCTC guidelines and the safeguards that Nigeria’s Ministry of Health should guarantee.

economic manipulation

Use of Third-Party Groups

The industry uses different groups to further its agenda. In June 2018 for example, the Nigerian government introduced a new excise tax of ₦20 per pack of 20 cigarette sticks.

This tax was in addition to a 20% value-added tax imposed on tobacco products. The specific excise tax was subsequently increased to ₦40 per pack in 2019 and ₦58 per pack in 2020. Business Renaissance Group (BRG) and Sustained Development Collective – two groups backed by the tobacco industry – protested against the new taxes when they were initially proposed. Even though BRG threatened court action against the Nigerian government for imposition of the new taxes, they were nonetheless implemented.

A Gendered Approach to Tobacco Industry Interference

Women in low and middle-income countries like Nigeria are often targeted by the tobacco industry, which describes them as an ‘untapped market’.

In many African countries, the prevalence of smoking among women is much lower than it is among men. The tobacco industry is well aware of the differences in the prevalence of tobacco use between men and women. Consequently, it uses different marketing strategies to target men and women. For instance, tobacco companies commonly use sponsorships, promotions, and other advertising mechanisms to target women and young girls (for example, they may sponsor the corporate social responsibility events of women’s organizations). In Nigeria, girls are more likely than boys to be exposed to tobacco promotions and advertisements. Similarly, adolescents residing in rural areas are more likely to be exposed to TAPS than those in urban areas. The industry often claims that it supports the empowerment of women and young girls through its advertisements. In as much as the tobacco industry primarily targets women, men (who have a significantly higher tobacco use prevalence than women) are also targeted through masculine imagery.

The use of flavoured cigarette brands is increasing in developing and developed countries.

The prevalence of these brands is markedly higher among youth and young adults than older adults. These brands are also targeted at females and inexperienced youth smokers. For women, advertisements are mainly linked to themes such as weight loss, elegance, sensuality, and beauty. In Nigeria, as in other African countries, the tobacco industry has introduced light and slim cigarette brands. These brands are more enticing and appealing due to their profiles. The promotion of odorless products is also gaining traction.

Via marketing, the tobacco industry creates an impression among adolescents that odorless cigarettes brands are safe. For example, adolescents may believe that their parents will not easily find out they smoke if they consume odorless brands. In addition, flavored cigarettes may encourage adolescents to circumvent their parents’ strict rules against smoking.

While adolescents perceive flavored cigarette brands as fashionable, some brands, such as Rothmans, may even increase their sense of self worth because of their popularity.

Moreover, flavored cigarettes are the most prevalent types of tobacco products consumed by adult men in Nigeria.The tobacco industry has convinced first timers that smoking such cigarettes will boost their confidence. Since they come in different flavors such as banana and apple, their effect does not only affect male youth but also adults.

In most countries, cultural barriers hinder women from purchasing cigarettes. However, the tobacco industry finds ways of overcoming them. In the African context, one of the most alarming issues is the industry’s attempt to normalize the culture of smoking among African women by associating smoking with confidence and liberation. For example, the industry uses ‘trendsetters’ – specifically African women who smoke – to break down cultural resistance.

As a consequence, girls in many developing parts of the world are increasingly taking up smoking. Overall, the marketing strategies employed by the tobacco and alcohol industries in low- and middle-income countries disproportionately target women and girls. These strategies leverage existing gender disparities and cultivate a specious association between product consumption and female empowerment.

The Global Tobacco Industry Interference Index measures how governments respond to influences from the tobacco industry and protect their public health policies from the commercial and vested interests of the industry, as required of parties under the WHO FCTC.

Countries are ranked according to total scores provided by civil society groups that prepare their respective country indices.

The Global Tobacco Industry Interference Index measures the level of tobacco industry interference in countries globally, based on the following indicators:

  • Indicator 1 (I1): The industry’s participation in policy development
  • Indicator 2 (I2): Tobacco-industry related corporate social responsibility activities
  • Indicator 3 (I3): Benefits given to the tobacco industry
  • Indicator 4 (I4): Unnecessary interaction between government and industry
  • Indicator 5 (I5): Measures for transparency
  • Indicator 6 (I6). Preventing conflicts of interest
  • Indicator 7 (I7). Measures that prevent industry influence

The lower the global index score, the better a country’s ranking in terms of the tobacco industry’s level of interference.The index score ranges from 0 to 100. The country ranks are based on global index scores, starting with the country that has the lowest score and ending with the one with the highest score.

Globally, Nigeria ranks 46th out of 90 countries, with a global index score of 60 in 2023.

This score increased from 53 in 2021, when Nigeria ranked 28th out of 80 countries. At the continental level, Nigeria currently ranks 12th out of 20 African countries. In other words, the degree of tobacco industry interference in Nigeria is higher than 11 other African countries (Botswana, Ethiopia, Uganda, Mauritius, Burkina Faso, Chad, Kenya, Côte d’Ivoire, Gabon, Senegal, Sudan, and Ghana). Nigeria ranked 4th out of 9 African countries covered by the index in 2020 and 7th of 14 African countries in 2021. The following figure shows that the overall tobacco industry interference index for Nigeria is trending upward, increasing from 49 in 2020 to 60 in 2023.


Overall Tobacco Industry Interference Index in Nigeria: 2020 - 2023


2020202120222023Year45505560Overall Tobacco Industry Interference Score

Data source: Nigeria Tobacco Industry Interference Report.

The increase in the global index score and the drop in the ranking indicate that tobacco industry interference got worse in Nigeria. The 2023 score shows that the tobacco industry is intensifying its interference despite Nigeria’s tobacco control efforts and legislation.


Global Tobacco Index 2023



The lower the score, the lower the level of interference

  • T.I.I Score|
  • 0 - 9
  • 10 - 19
  • 20 - 29
  • 30 - 39
  • 40 - 49
  • 50 - 58
  • 60 - 69
  • 70 - 79
  • 80 - 89
  • 90 - 100
    Nigeria - Score: 60
    Ethiopia
    Tanzania
    Kenya
    S.Af.
    Zambia
    I.C.
    Senegal
    Botswana
    Chad
    Mozambique
    Uganda
    Cameroon
    Gabon
    B.F.
    Ghana
    Madagascar
    Ethiopia
    Tanzania
    Kenya
    S.Af.
    Zambia
    I.C.
    Senegal
    Botswana
    Chad
    Mozambique
    Uganda
    Cameroon
    Gabon
    B.F.
    Ghana
    Madagascar
    Nigeria
    Nigeria

    Data source: globaltobaccoindex.org


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    Nigeria’s Overall Performance

    Based on the WHO FCTC industry interference guidelines, Nigeria’s overall performance was below average between 2020 and 2023. As shown in Table 1, Nigeria only registered an improvement in one of the seven indicators measuring tobacco industry interference over the period (specifically, “industry participation in policy development”).

    Below are examples of the tobacco industry’s interference in Nigeria, grouped according to the seven indicators.

    Myth fake icon

    Myth: There is no need for new tobacco laws since the industry is ‘self regulating’.


    myth fact icon

    Fact: Tobacco regulations are pursued by governments all over the world.

    The tobacco industry and governments do not have mutual interests.

    Myth fake icon

    Myth: Tax increases will lead to job losses, including those of farmers.


    myth fact icon

    Fact: The relationship between tobacco taxation and employment is not as direct as the industry claims.

    Myth fake icon

    Myth: Higher tobacco taxes will discourage foreign direct investment (FDI).


    myth fact icon

    Fact: The relationship between tobacco taxes and overall FDI is ambiguous. However, it is clear that higher tobacco taxes can discourage FDI in the tobacco sector since tobacco firms are less likely to invest in a country with high and stringent taxes.

    Myth fake icon

    Myth: Higher taxes will increase illicit trade.


    myth fact icon

    Fact: Firstly, the illicit tobacco trade size in any country is frequently less than the industry claims. The industry typically overstates it.

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